TEHRAN- Under the dynamic leadership of newly elected President Masoud Pezeshkian, the bond between Iran and Russia is poised for a substantial enhancement.
Building on the robust foundation laid by the late President Ebrahim Raisi, Pezeshkian’s administration is committed to deepening this strategic alliance. This renewed vigor in diplomatic relations not only promises to fortify economic and political ties but also signals a continued trajectory of successful collaboration and mutual support on the global stage. As both nations navigate the complexities of international affairs, their partnership is set to become a pivotal force in shaping regional stability and global geopolitics.
From Tehran to Moscow
In testament to this deepening alliance, Russian President Vladimir Putin quickly congratulated Pezeshkian on his electoral success and expressed optimism about the flourishing of close relations between the two countries. The leaders underscored their common interests and ongoing cooperation within influential international and regional organizations, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and BRICS. Putin’s invitation to Pezeshkian to attend the upcoming BRICS summit in Kazan further solidifies this bond.
There is great anticipation for the signing of a comprehensive cooperation agreement between Iran and Russia, marking a pivotal step in consolidating their partnership. During a phone call with Putin, President-elect Pezeshkian reiterated Tehran’s commitment to strengthening relations with Moscow. Highlighting the 20-year Iran-Russia association agreement, which has been under negotiation since late 2021, Pezeshkian expressed his readiness to finalize the deal at the upcoming BRICS summit in Kazan.
The summit will bring together members of the BRICS group, initially founded by Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, and now including several new members. This emerging global bloc is transforming into a formidable and competitive entity, thanks in large part to the combined efforts of Russia, Iran, and China. Cooperation between these countries is expected to reshape the geopolitical landscape, as Pezeshkian’s presidency heralds a new era of Iranian-Russian cooperation.
Unbreakable Alliance: Strengthening Iran’s Enduring Partnership with the Eastern Bloc
Since President Pezeshkian’s election victory, Western media have suggested that Iran must choose between strengthening relations with the West or maintaining its long-standing alliances with Russia and China. This narrative implies an inevitable trade-off, suggesting that close cooperation with Europe and the United States will automatically lead to strained relations with Moscow and Beijing.
However, a deeper analysis reveals contradictions in the motivations driving Iran’s partnerships with these global powers. Asserting that strengthening ties with both the West and Russia simultaneously is impractical ignores the nuanced dynamics of Iran’s foreign policies.
President Pezeshkian has set a clear framework for Iran’s foreign policy, especially regarding its eastern alliances. In a prominent article for the Tehran Times, he emphasized the enduring support and friendship that Iran has received from Russia and China during difficult times, highlighting the deep value placed on these relationships.
The 25-year comprehensive strategic partnership with China exemplifies Iran’s approach to global diplomacy, aiming to foster mutually beneficial relations amid evolving geopolitical circumstances. This strategic vision extends beyond bilateral relations, reflecting Iran’s readiness to engage more deeply in a changing world order that is rapidly moving toward a multipolar world, thereby signaling the end of American unipolarity.
Regarding Russia, President Pezeshkian reaffirmed Iran’s commitment to strengthening cooperation with its strategic neighbor. This commitment extends to various frameworks, including BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the Eurasian Economic Union, reflecting Iran’s strategic interests in regional stability and economic integration, much like his predecessor, Ebrahim Raisi, successfully pursued.
Conversely, the Iranian president-elect has critically assessed Western policies, particularly in light of their failure to fulfill commitments under the JCPOA. He has criticized the unilateral expectations imposed on Iran and highlighted coercive U.S. policies that do not respect Iranian sovereignty.
In essence, the foundations, goals, and motivations guiding Iran’s relations with these global powers are fundamentally different. President Pezeshkian’s approach seeks to leverage the unique strengths of each partnership to advance Iran’s national interests on the global stage, navigating the complex terrain of diplomacy with insight and realism.
Iranian Strategic Sovereignty: Pride, Wisdom, and Benefit
President Masoud Pezeshkian’s candid stance on American policies is not an independent initiative, but a response to the American administration’s unconstructive statements regarding negotiations. Even with the new Pezeshkian administration extending a hand to all countries for cooperation, the President has firmly concluded that American policies are not based on respecting the sovereignty of states, but rather on “hostility.”
To understand Pezeshkian’s foreign policy tendencies, we must consider his electoral base. Pezeshkian’s victory in the elections is attributed to his conservative nature and his steadfast commitment to the principles of the Islamic Republic, which he emphasized repeatedly in his media appearances during the campaign. His adherence to these principles, resonating deeply with Iranian voters, reflects the core values of Iranian foreign policy: “pride, wisdom, and expediency.” These principles will guide Pezeshkian’s approach to foreign policy, reinforcing his dedication to the nation’s core beliefs.
How can Iran engage with the West, which seeks to label the Iranian Islamic Revolution Guards a key military institution that defended Iranian lands during the eight-year holy war with Iraq, in which Pezeshkian himself participated as a terrorist organization? How can one engage without the three principles emphasized by Pezeshkian, pride, wisdom, and benefit, with the United States, which treacherously assassinated the heroic Quds Force commander and national security figure, Qassem Soleimani? President-elect Pezeshkian described this act as “state terrorism.”
The West’s demands from Iran are tantamount to submission. Their demands increase as Iran’s power grows. After the nuclear agreement, they demanded the abandonment of the Iranian missile program, then the defense industries, particularly drones. They also demanded severing ties with the Axis of Resistance, and now they insist on Iran abandoning its constructive relations with Russia and China. However, these expectations are met with resistance from the Iranian leadership, which views these alliances as crucial for the country’s sovereignty and security.
Despite the hopes of some reformists who admire the West and the United States for a shift in Iranian foreign policy post-Raisi, Pezeshkian’s approach is rooted in a practical and historically informed perspective. Strengthening relations with Russia remains a cornerstone of Iran’s foreign strategy and reflects Pezeshkian’s commitment to a balanced and flexible diplomatic stance. The relationship between Iran and Russia is based on a history of mutual recognition and strategic cooperation. It is important to remember that the Soviet Union was the first country to recognize the Islamic Republic of Iran, setting a precedent for a permanent and strategic partnership between Tehran and Moscow.
In conclusion, strengthening Iranian-Russian relations under President Pezeshkian is not just a political choice but a necessity dictated by historical alliances and contemporary geopolitical realities. As Iran navigates the complex landscape of international relations, its steadfastness in maintaining strong ties with Russia stands as a testament to its enduring commitment to national pride, wisdom, and expediency.
Mohammad Ali Senobari is the director and editor-in-chief of the New Vision Center for Strategic Studies