The example set by Sao Tome & Principe is that even tiny countries can multi-align between Great Powers in the New Cold War instead of resigning themselves to becoming anyone’s vassal.
The Russian Duma plans to ratify a military cooperation pact with the West African island nation of Sao Tome & Principe (STP) for allowing their country to use its port facilities for refueling purposes. This is a step in the right direction for both countries since it’ll facilitate more Russian naval visits to the region while helping STP counteract its disproportionate dependence on the West. Moreover, it could lay the basis for reviving their Soviet-era strategic partnership, which could expand other spheres with time.
STP is located in proximity to rich offshore energy deposits that nearby Equatorial Guinea and Nigeria have been tapping for decades, though it’s yet to discover any within its own waters. Russia’s world-class experts could potentially help them find something commercially viable if their rapidly evolving relations evolve in that direction. Even if they don’t succeed, STP might consider purchasing some of Russia’s discounted oil and gas, which could relieve some of this impoverished country’s budgetary pressures.
Regardless of whatever may or may not unfold, it’s impressive that this small nation defied Western pressure to go through with this military cooperation pact. Prime Minister Patrice Trovoada reassured the media in May that “This is military cooperation but nothing special. We have many more commitments on the military side with the United States and NATO compared with Russia.” He also encouraged others to follow his country’s lead by diversifying their foreign partnerships.
The example set by STP is that even tiny countries can multi–align between Great Powers in the New Cold War instead of resigning themselves to becoming anyone’s vassal. Cooperation with other countries shouldn’t be obstructed by third parties so long as it doesn’t threaten them. Such is the case with STP’s military cooperation pact with Russia. All that it entails is using port facilities for refueling purposes, joint training, and modernizing its outdated equipment, the latter of which the West has refused to do.
Trovoada also denied that there are any plans for setting up a Russian base. All that’s in the pipeline is nothing more than a naval logistics support along the lines of what Sudan clarified around the same time is what it hopes to provide for Russia per their long-delayed agreement. These sorts of arrangements are the norm and don’t imply taking their partner’s side against others. STP has consistently voted against Russia at the UN, after all, and Trovoada reaffirmed that he’s opposed to the special operation.
Nevertheless, he’s also pragmatic enough not to let their disagreement on this sensitive issue impede mutually beneficial cooperation on others, which could inspire similarly small countries to do the same. Many African countries require support modernizing their outdated military equipment and could benefit tremendously from joint training programs with Russia’s much more experienced forces. These sorts of relations could then set the basis for expanding cooperation into economic and other spheres.
The pattern at play is that Russia offers security cooperation as a means for creating the mutual trust required for interested African partners to then explore other forms of cooperation, which counteract their disproportionate dependence on the West. American attempts to stir up Color Revolution unrest, support rebels, and/or encourage a military coup as punishment risk backfiring by accelerating Russia’s security cooperation with those states and thus leading to the outcome that the US wanted to avoid.
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